rs  ot  tgt  g.rtj)icological  Institute  of  %\mtM. 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


KROIVI   THE;   SITE  OK 


NEANDREIA. 


By  JOSEPH  THACHER  CLARKE. 


m  ll^STITUIE  \li 
[r  of 

,i:rV  AMERICA.  J'O'i 
18/9. 


BALTIMORE: 

PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  INSTITUTE  BY 

THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  ARCHAEOLOGY. 
1886. 


5Pn^trs  of  tlje  ^rcIj;toIogicaI  Institute  of  America. 


♦ 

A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


KROM    THK    site:  OK 


NEANDREIA. 


By  JOSEPH  THACHER  CLARKE. 


BALTIMOKE: 

PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  INSTITUTE  BY 

THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  ARCHEOLOGY. 
1886. 


JOHN  MURPHY  &  CO.,  PRINTERS, 
BALTIMORE. 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL  FROM  THE  SITE  OF 
NE  ANDREI  A. 


Fig.  1. — Present  condition  of  the  block. 


I. 

This  capital, — the  most  primitive  memorial  of  the  Greek  Ionic 
style  as  yet  brought  to  light, — was  found  by  the  writer,  Sept.  24, 
1882,  upon  the  summit  of  Mount  Chigri,  in  the  Troad.  Chigri  is 
midway  between  Assos  and  Ilion,  opposite  Tenedos,  and  ten  kilo- 
metres from  the  coast  of  the  Aegean.  The  extensive  ruins  upon  the 
site  are,  as  will  be  shown,  in  all  probability  those  of  the  ancient 
Neandreia.  They  have  never  been  disturbed  by  excavations,  and  for 
more  than  2,000  years  this  remote  and  precipitous  height  has  been 
uninhabited.  During  previous  surveys,  in  1881  and  the  spring  of 
1882,  no  sculptured  stones  or  architectural  members  were  to  be  seen 
above  the  surface  of  the  ground.    But  in  the  summer  of  the  latter 

3  • 


4 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


year  Turkish  masons  from  the  neighboring  village  of  Yailadjyq,  in 
search  of  squared  building-stones,  had  dug  a  shallow  trench  within 
the  city  enclosure,  exposing  a  corner  of  this  block,  which  escaped 
destruction  because  of  its  irregular  shape.  It  was  easily  freed  from 
the  soil,  and  was  afterwards  removed  by  Mr.  Frank  Calvert  to  the 
farm  of  Akchi-Kieui  (Thymbra),  where  it  was  carefully  examined 
and  drawn.  Together  with  it  were  discovered  various  fragments  of 
archaic  terra-cotta, — portions  of  a  leaved  kyma,  decorated  with  a 
dark  purple  and  black  glaze  like  that  found  upon  the  most  ancient 
terra-cottas  of  Sicily. 

The  stone  is  a  fine-grained  volcanic  tufa,  of  a  light  reddish-gray 
color,  obtained  from  a  formation  occurring  in  various  parts  of  the 
western  and  southern  Troad.  At  Assos  this  material  is  employed 
only  in  the  oldest  works,  such  as  the  lion's  head  which  formed  one 
of  the  gargoyles  of  the  chief  temple,^  and  a  scroll  believed  to  be  part 
of  an  akroterion  of  the  same  building.  Tufa  is  never  found  among 
later  remains,  and  thus  bears  the  same  relation  to  the  archaic  archi- 
tecture of  the  Troad  as  poros  does  to  that  of  the  Peloponnesos  and 
Sicily.  The  first  Greek  stone-cutters  required  a  material  more  easily 
worked  than  andesite,  or  even  marble,  and  made  up  for  the  roughness 
of  the  stone  by  priming  the  surface  with  stucco  and  painting  it  with 
body  color. 

The  capital  remains  in  a  state  of  preservation  so  good,  that  no 
doubt  can  exist  concerning  any  detail  of  the  design.  Some  of  the 
corners  have  been  split  olF,  nearly  half  of  one  of  the  volutes  being 
missing ;  but  in  view  of  the  friable  nature  of  the  tufa,  and  its  long 
exposure  to  the  weather,  the  sharpness  of  the  remaining  tooled  edges 
is  surprising  {fig.  1).  The  building  to  which  the  capital  belonged 
must  have  been  a  ruin  twenty-two  centuries  ago,  and  the  block,  when 
found,  was  not  protected  by  any  great  depth  of  earth  ;  yet  the  surface 
has  not  been  at  all  aifected  by  a  decomposition  like  that  which  has 
so  obliterated  many  of  the  sculptures  and  mouldings  of  the  harder 
and  coarser  stone  used  at  Assos. 

The  excellence  of  the  design  can  have  resulted  only  from  an 
acquaintance  with  many  spiral  prototypes ;  and  the  admirable  char- 
acter of  the  technical  execution  is  proof  of  a  long  practice  in  the 

^Now  in  the  Boston  Museum  of  Fine  Arts:  No.  S.  1162.  Cf.  the  writer's  Report 
on  the  investigations  at  Assos,  1881.  Boston,  1882,  p.  94,  pi.  12. 


FR03f  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDREIA. 


5 


carving  of  similar  details.  The  capitals  of  the  later  ages  of  Greek 
art  are  of  a  higher  and  more  organic  development,  better  serving  in 
aesthetic  respects  as  functional  members  of  the  columnar  system ;  but 
they  are  rarely  of  better  proportion,  or  of  a  more  firm  and  graceful 
outline  {fig,  2).    Too  much  emphasis  cannot  be  laid  upon  the  fact, 


Fig.  2. — .Restored  view:  plan  and  section  of  capital. 


thus  evident,  that  this  capital  is  by  no  means  a  first  experiment  in 
the  application  of  sj^iral  forms  to  the  upper  member  of  a  column,  but 
is  rather  to  be  considered  as  a  link  in  the  long  chain  of  architectural 
development  which  gradually  led  to  the  perfect  forms  of  the  capitals 
of  the  Erechtheion. 


6 


A  PBO TO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


The  helix  is  exact,  and  seems  to  have  been  determined  by  unwind- 
ing a  cord,  to  the  free  end  of  which  was  attached  a  chisel-point, 
from  a  cylinder  about  0.03m.  in  diameter,  or  perhaps, — for  so  great 
a  refinement  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  character  of  the  desi<rn, — 
from  a  slightly  diminished  cone  as  the  evolute,  fixed  in  the  centre  of 
the  perforation.  The  bordering  fillets  of  the  spiral  vary  in  width 
from  17mni.  to  3mm.,  and  are  perfectly  accurate  to  their  very  termi- 
nation. The  intelligent  skill  of  the  designer  is  especially  to  be  seen 
in  the  manner  in  which  the  leaves  of  the  anthemion  have  been 
profiled :  their  plane-angular,  fluted,  reeded,  and  concave-angular 
sections  securing  a  play  of  light  and  shade  such  as  no  geometrical 
drawing  can  indicate  (section  AA,  fig.  2).  The  incisions  which  sepa- 
rate the  surfaces  of  the  volutes  are  deepened  as  they  retreat  from  the 
centre,  gradually  increasing  from  a  shallow  notch  to  a  cut  not 
less  than  0.11m.  deep.  The  spiral  line  thus  varies  in  appearance 
from  a  light  grey  to  a  perfectly  black  shadow.  The  circular  perfora- 
tion in  the  centre  of  the  volute, — the  dfdalfio^  of  the  Erechtheion 
inscription,^ — measures  0.125m.  in  diameter.  It  probably  served 
for  the  insertion  of  disks  of  some  brilliant  material,  such  as  col- 
ored marble,  glass,  or  metal.  This  method  of  decoration  had  been 
common  in  the  Oriental  prototypes  from  which  the  most  charac- 
teristic features  of  the  Ionic  style  were  derived,  and,  though  seldoQi 
adopted  by  the  Greeks  of  a  later  period,  was  still  employed  in  the 
volutes  of  the  fully-developed  Ionic  capital,^  as  well  as  in  the  eyes 
of  the  parotides  and  guilloche  mouldings.  The  hole  is  cut  com- 
pletely through  the  stone,  for  what  purpose  is  not  clear. 

The  capital,  at  its  point  of  juncture  with  the  shaft  beneath,  is 
not  exactly  circular  in  plan;  the  diameter  from  side  to  side  being 
0.01m.  greater  than  from  front  to  back.  The  summit  of  the 
shaft  must  consequently  have  been  slightly  elliptical.  This  irregu- 
larity of  the  stone-cutting  is  very  remarkable  in  view  of  the  perfec- 
tion of  the  spirals  and  mouldings  ;  and,  as  the  excess  is  in  the  axis  of 
the  epistyle,  it  may  have  resulted  from  the  capital,  or  more  probably 
the  shaft,  having  been  cut  from  a  block  not  sufficiently  thick  to 
allow  one  of  the  dimensions  to  equal  the  diameter  determined  by  the 

^11.42.  Hence  termed  oeulus  by  Vitruvius  (iii.  5,  6),  whose  technical  terms 
are,  for  the  greater  part,  translated  from  the  Greek. 

^  As  for  instance  in  the  Erechtheion,  in  the  great  temple  of  Ephesos,  in  that  of 
Sardis,  etc. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEAJSDREIA. 


7 


designer.  The  capital  was  attacliecl  to  the  drum  adjoining  it  by  a 
cylindrical  dowel,  the  hole  for  which  (li,  in  plan  fig.  2),  0.02ni.  in 
diameter  and  0.055m.  deep,  is  bored  with  great  nicety.  This  pin 
must  have  served  as  an  axis  for  the  grinding  of  the  capital  upon  the 
subjacent  stone,  during  the  last  rubbing  down  of  the  bed  surfaces. 
The  top  of  the  capital,  which  is  tooled  to  a  perfect  pkme,  shows  no 
traces  of  dowels  or  clamps.  The  reverse  of  the  stone  is,  in  all  the 
main  features  of  the  design,  the  same  as  the  front,  but  the  details  are 
somewiiat  less  elaborate  and  the  execution  less  careful.  The  scroll  of 
the  back  is  slightly  rounded  in  profile,  but  has  no  bordering  fillets, 
while  the  anthemion  leaves  are  of  simpler  section,  and  without  rims. 

It  is  a  question  of  much  importance  whether  the  shaft,  to  which 
the  capital  belonged,  was  placed  close  to  a  wall  as  a  stele,  or  was 
employed  as  a  constructive  support  in  a  building.  The  small  dia- 
meter of  the  column,  and,  especially,  the  fact  that  one  side  of  the  cap- 
ital was  evidently  not  exposed  to  close  inspection,  seemed  at  first  to 
favor  the  former  view.  After  careful  examination,  however,  the 
writer  became  convinced  that  the  capital  surmounted  a  tall  column, 
probably  standing  in  antis  and  supporting  a  wooden  epistyle. 

Notwithstanding  the  great  projection  of  the  volutes, — the  width 
of  which  far  exceeds  that  customary  in  the  steles  of  Greece, — the 
bearing  of  the  imposed  weight  is  limited  to  the  middle  leaves  of  the 
anthemion.  If  the  block  had  been  the  capital  of  a  stele,  intended, 
for  instance,  as  a  stand  for  inscribed  stones  or  votive  offerings,  advan- 
tage would  naturally  have  been  taken  of  the  console-like  projection 
of  the  scrolls  by  a  bearing  upon  the  outermost  leaves.  This  restric- 
tion of  the  abacus  to  a  surface  less  than  half  as  broad  as  the  capital 
itself  must  have  been  determined  by  the  consideration  that,  otlier- 
wise,  the  slightest  sagging  of  the  epistyle-beam  would  have  crushed 
the  sides  of  the  volutes.  From  the  extreme  care  taken  to  disengage 
the  outermost  leaves  of  the  anthemion  from  contact  with  the  lintel, 
it  is  evident  that  this  precaution  was  held  in  mind. 

The  great  projection  of  the  volutes,  as  well  as  their  shape,  was 
derived  from  traditional  models.  The  form,  originally  determined 
by  the  exigencies  of  a  timbered  construction,  was  here  retained  as  a 
mere  decoration,  filling  out  the  corners  between  the  vertical  support 
and  the  horizontal  lintel.  Thus,  all  the  leaves  of  the  anthemion  and 
the  backs  of  the  volutes  approach  very  nearly  to  the  soffit  of  the 
epistyle,  which,  in  the  most  closely  related  prototype  {fig.  7),  they 


8 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


had  actually  adjoined.  That  the  precaution  was  taken  to  restrict  the 
weight  of  the  entablature  to  a  part  of  the  capital  but  little  larger 
than  the  upper  diameter  of  the  shaft,  proves  it  to  have  formed  part 
of  a  constructive  framework.  The  lack  of  dowellings  between  this 
support  and  the  imposed  mass  is,  so  far  as  it  goes,  in  favor  of  the  same 
conclusion.  The  stones  of  Greek  steles,  because  of  their  liability  to 
be  displaced  by  lateral  pressure,  were  commonly  joined  together  by 
metallic  fastenings  cast  in  lead ;  but,  for  evident  reasons,  the  abacus 
of  a  true  column  is  not  often  thus  connected  Avith  the  lintel  above  it. 

The  most  conclusive  argument,  however,  is  to  be  derived  from  the 
size  of  the  block.  A  calculation  based  upon  the  proportions  of  mon- 
uments of  the  fully-developed  Ionic  style  leads  to  the  assumption, 
that  the  shaft  and  base  belonging  to  the  capital  would,  together  with 
it,  reach  a  height  of  between  four  and  four  and  a  half  metres.  Even 
this  is  considerably  more  than  the  height  of  the  columns  of  many 
prostyle  temples ;  and  a  building  with  columns  in  antis  must  neces- 
sarily be  assumed  to  have  been  of  modest  dimensions,  especially  in 
the  Troad.^  But  it  is  probable  that  the  actual  size  of  the  shaft  was 
greater  than  we  should  be  led  to  expect  from  such  a  comparison. 
The  columns  of  primitive  Greek  architecture  were,  in  general,  more 
diminished  than  those  of  the  perfected  styles ;  the  ratio  of  the  upper 
diameter  to  the  lower,  and  to  the  height  of  the  shaft,  would  conse- 
quently have  been  smaller  than  that  assumed.  The  fact  that  the 
back  of  the  capital  is  not  treated  with  the  same  elaboration  and  care 
as  the  front  is  explained  by  the  assumption  that  it  was  situated  at 
some  height,  in  a  dark  and  narrow  pronaos  in  antis,  so  that  a  good 
view  of  the  inner  side  could  not  be  obtained. 

All  these  points, — the  excessive  projection  of  the  volutes,  resem- 
bling the  original  wooden  prototype  of  the  console-capital,  the  pre- 
cautions taken  to  prevent  the  edges  from  being  injured  by  a  sagging 
of  the  epistyle-beam,  the  fragile  nature  of  the  stone,  and  the  small 
diameter  of  the  shaft, — lend  weight  to  the  supposition  that  the 
entablature  was  formed,  not  of  blocks  of  stone,  but  of  timbers  and 
joists,  such  as  those  imitated  in  the  fascias  and  dentils  of  the  later 
Ionic  style. 

The  width  of  the  capital  is  exactly  twice  its  height,  the  volutes 
being  drawn  in  squares  the  sides  of  which  are,  as  nearly  as  could  be 

*  The  Heroon  of  Assos,  a  Doric  prostyles,  has  columns  3.6m.  high. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDREIA. 


9 


measured  M^thout  instruments  of  precision,  0.594m.  long  (1  ft.  llf 
ins.).  This  dimension  may  with  much  probability  be  supposed  to 
equal  two  feet  of  the  measure  used  by  the  designer,  the  result  being  a 
unit  of  0.297m.  {t\  of  an  inch  less  than  one  English  foot).  The 
thickness  of  the  block  is  0.357m.,  three-fifths  of  its  height,  or  three- 
tenths  of  the  assumed  unit.  The  question  of  the  metrological 
importance  of  these  dimensions,  and  the  decimal  division  of  the  foot 
employed  throughout  the  Troad  in  the  earliest  historical  ages,  should 
not  be  entered  upon  until  the  stone  has  been  measured  with  micro- 
metrical  exactness. 

The  exceptional  interest  of  our  capital  lies  in  its  historical  signifi- 
cance. It  is  one  of  the  few  memorials  of  the  earliest  period  of 
architectural  development  among  the  Greeks  that  have  not  been 
swept  away  in  the  construction  of  the  noble  buildings  erected  soon 
after  the  Persian  wars,  or  of  the  showy  edifices  of  the  Diadochi.  The 
history  of  Neandreia  will  explain  the  circumstances  which  secured 
the  preservation  of  those  remains  not  easily  removed  from  the  site 
during  ancient  times.  The  capital  cannot  be  ascribed  to  a  later  date 
than  the  sixth  century  b.  c.  It  is  one  of  the  many  experiments 
made  by  the  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor  to  determine  the  forms  which, 
according  to  the  tradition  preserved  by  Pliny  ^  and  Yitruvius  (iv. 
1,  7),  were  first  employed  in  connection  with  a  peripteral  plan  in  the 
primitive  temple  of  Ephesos. 

The  testimony  of  antiquity  is  unanimous  in  the  assertion,  that  the 
Ionic  style,  as  its  name  signifies,  was  derived  by  the  European 
Greeks  from  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Aegean.^  Discoveries  of  the 
present  age  have,  further,  made  it  evident,  that  the  most  characteristic 
features  of  this  style  passed  through  the  earliest  stages  of  develop- 
ment, neither  in  Greece  nor  in  Asia  Minor,  but  in  Mesopotamia. 

Before  the  application  of  the  historic  method  to  the  study  of  the 
derivation  of  architectural  forms,  the  determination  of  the  influences 
which  led  to  the  adoption  of  the  Ionic  details  was  nothing  but  hope- 

^  Pliny's  words  (xxxvi.  56),  in  Ephesia  Dianae  aede  primwn  columnis  spirae  subdi- 
tae  et  capitula  addita,  can  only  be  referred  to  capitals,  as  well  as  to  bases,  of  the  Ionic 
style. 

^Nothing  can  be  more  at  fault  than  Boetticher's  statement  {Tektonik  der  Hellenen. 
Berlin,  1874,  second  edition,  vol.  i.  p.  165)  that  the  Ionic  style  originated  in  Attica. 
The  entire  position  of  this  remarkable  work  in  regard  to  questions  of  architectural 
history  is  a  warning  against  the  misleading  influence  of  aesthetic  theories. 


10 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


less  conjecture.  It  is  not  long  since,  that  scholars  literally  believed, 
or  at  all  events  seriously  considered,  the  explanation  of  the  origin 
of  the  style  given  by  Yitruvius  (iv.  1,  7),  who  relates  that  the  Ionic 
column  imitated  the  proportions  of  a  woman, — the  volutes  of  the 
capital  representing  the  curled  locks  of  hair;  the  flutes  and  fillets 
of  the  shaft,  the  folds  of  the  wide  draperies ;  and  the  base,  the  san- 
dals. Thiersch,^  who  occupied  a  position  of  the  highest  eminence 
among  classical  scholars  during  the  first  half  of  the  present  century, 
gave  this  picture  a  touch  of  reality  by  his  identification  of  the  Ionic 
woman  as  a  priestess  with  curled  tainias  tied  about  her  ears.  What- 
ever may  be  the  truth  of  the  Vitruvian  simile,  as  characterizing  the 
lightness  and  grace  of  the  Ionic  in  comparison  with  the  virile  pro- 
portions of  the  Doric,  modern  Avriters,  in  following  the  example  of 
the  Roman  maestro  muratore,  have  not  restricted  their  comparisons  to 
such  pretty  themes. 

Winckelmann  ^  suggested  that  coiled  snakes  may  have  served  as 
models  for  the  volutes.  Stackelberg^  argued  that  the  twisted  horns 
of  rams,  suspended  on  the  walls  of  primitive  sanctuaries,  or  on  the 
corners  of  altars,  were  imitated  by  the  original  designer  of  the  Ionic 
capital.  This  idea  was  elaborated  by  Raoul-Rochette,^°  and  particu- 
larly by  Carelli,^'  passing  into  the  text-books  through  K.  O.  Mueller.^^ 
Wollf  believed  that  the  bark  of  trees,  placed  upon  the  top  of  the 
Doric  echinos  "  before  it  had  an  abacus,'^  by  curling  round  the  block 
had  provided  the  starting  point  for  the  helix;  while  Hah n took 
the  spirals  of  marine  shells  as  his  model.  Among  the  advocates  of 
such  absurd  prototypes  we  may  note  no  less  an  authority  than 

'F.  W.  Thiersch,  Ueber  die  Epochen  der  bildenden  Kunst  unter  den  Griechen. 
(Second  eilition)  Halberstadt,  1829. 

*  J.  J.  Winckelmann,  Versuch  einer  AUegorie,  besonders  fuer  die  Kunst.  Dresden, 
1766.' 

^  O.  M.  von  Stackelberg,  Der  Apollotempel  zu  Bassae.    Frankfurt  am  Main,  1826. 

D.  Raoul-Rochette,  Monuments  inedits  d^ Antiquite.    Paris,  1834. 

F.  Carellius,  Dissertazione  esegetica  intorno  aW  origine  ed  al  sistema  della  sacra 
architettura  presso  i  Greci.    Napoli,  1831. 

K.  O.  Mueller,  Handbuch  der  Archaeologie  der  Kunst.  (Third  edition)  Stuttgart, 
1878,  54,  3. 

J.  H.  Wolff,  Aesthetik  der  Baukunst.  Leipzig,  1834.  This  explanation  has  been 
reiterated,  during  the  past  year,  by  H.  Jennings,  Phallicism,  celestial  and  terrestrial, 
heathen  and  Christian.    London,  1884. 

"  G.  von  Halm,  Motive  der  lonischen  Saeule.    Wien,  1862. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDREIA. 


11 


Viollet-le-Duc,^^  who  conceived  the  Ionic  vohite  to  have  been  copied 
from  curled  sliavings  left  by  the  primitive  carpenters  upon  the  sides 
of  their  wooden  posts,  illustrating  this  tasteless  theory  by  a  cut  that 
shows  forms  which  wood  could  not  assume  under  any  treatment. 
Even  less  satisfactory  are  those  conceptions  of  an  idealized  spring, 
taking  the  shape  of  an  elastic  cushion,  which,  placed  upon  the  Doric 
capital  in  the  direction  of  the  epistyle,  is  supposed  to  have  been 
squeezed  out  by  the  superimposed  weight  of  the  entablature  so  as  to 
curl  again  around  the  edges  of  the  echinos.  Chief  among  the  pro- 
fessors of  this  view  is  Guhl.^*^  This  list  mio^ht  be  ^reatlv  extended. 
Marini^^  gives  the  names  of  no  less  than  twenty-six  writers  upon  the 
Ionic  capital  previous  to  the  publication  of  his  own  work  in  1825. 
Some  of  the  early  treatises,  such  as  those  of  Selva  and  De  Rossi,^^ 
display  an  ingenuity  and  a  learning  worthy  of  a  better  cause. 

All  these  labored  explanations  of  the  significance  and  derivation 
of  the  Ionic  capital  have  fallen  to  the  ground, — all  this  misdirected 
antiquarianism  has  become  a  fit  subject  for  ridicule, — upon  the  recog- 
nition of  the  fact  that  a  capital  of  anthemions  and  volutes,  essentially 
of  the  same  character  as  that  of  the  Ionic  style,  was  customary  in 
Mesopotamia  for  centuries  previous  to  the  development  of  Greek 
architecture,  and  is  to  be  traced  through  Kappadokia,  Phrygia,  and 
Phoenicia,  to  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  occupied  by  the  Hellenes.  A 
great  variety  of  terminal  ornaments  were  formed  by  the  designers  of 
Assyria  in  imitation  of  the  radial  leaves  of  the  palmetto.  The  ends 
of  quivers,  the  plumes  of  horses'  trappings,  and  other  un^veighted 
tips,  appear  of  precisely  the  same  shape  as  the  conventional  repre- 
sentations of  palm-trees  upon  Mesopotamian  reliefs.  When  these 
palmettos  were  so  bound  together  as  to  form  the  so-called  Tree  of 
Life,  or  such  branches  of  flowers  as  are  held  by  certain  deities,  the  ends 
of  the  connecting  ribbons  or  the  bracts  were  curled  at  the  base,  taking 
the  place  of  the  bunches  of  dates  seen  under  the  palm-trees  of  the 
reliefs.  In  architectural  details  this  form  Avas  adopted,  almost  with- 
out change,  for  the  apex  of  steles.    Among  the  ruins  of  the  palace 

^^E.  E.  Viollet-le-Dac,  Entretiens  sur  V architecture.    Paris,  1858-72.    Fig.  6. 
^''E.  Guhl,  Versuchueber  das  lonische  Kapitael.    Berlin,  1845. 
L.  Marini,  Sul  ritrovamento  da  me  fatto  deW  metodo  di  descrivere  la  valuta  loniea 
Vitruviana,  in  the  Atti  dell'Accademia  Romana  di  Archeologia.    Eoma,  1825,  vol.  ir. 
*®G.  Selva,  Dissertazione  sulla  valuta  lonica.    Padova,  1814. 
^^G.  de  Rossi,  Esercitazione  sulla  valuta  del  capitello  lonico.    Firenze,  1817. 


12 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


of  Khorsabad^  a  square  ])ost  has  been  preserved,  in  all  respects  like 
the  anthemion  steles  of  Greece,  the  terminating  palmetto  being 
the  same  as  that  continually  occurring  upon  Greek  vases  and  the 
antefixes  of  early  Greek  temples. 

It  is  with  the  higher  development  of  these  forms,  through  their 
connection  with  the  functional  capital,  that  we  are  at  present  con- 
cerned. By  the  adoption  of  the  palmetto  as  an  ornament  inter- 
mediate between  a  support  and  an  imposed  weight,  the  spread  of 
the  leaves  was  necessarily  much  restricted.  An  increased  importance 
was  thus  assigned  to  the  projections  adjoining  the  shaft.  It  was 
natural  that  this  should  have  been  made  in  the  shape  of  a  volute. 
The  spiral  was,  in  every  Avay,  the  form  most  pleasing  to  the  early 
Mesopotamian  decorators.  Not  only  did  the  ends  of  bows,  the  hilts 
of  swords,  the  carved  ornaments  of  furniture,  and  the  embroidered 


BAG 


Fig.  3. — Ivory -carvings  from  the  north-western  palace  of  Nimroud. 

trimmings  of  robes  assume  this  shape,  but  the  spiral  served  in  the 
pictorial  art  of  Assyria  to  represent  objects  really  of  entirely  differ- 
ent outline,  such  as  entwined  stems  and  leaves  of  plants,  curls  of  the 
human  hair  and  beard,  and  even  ripples  of  water.  In  short,  the 
spiral  was  as  universal  in  the  designs  of  Mesopotamia  as  were  the 
triangle  and  the  zig-zag  in  those  of  Egypt. 

Out  of  the  ornamental  spirals  and  palmettos  of  Assyria  were 
gradually  developed  the  volutes  and  the  anthemion  of  the  Ionic 
style.  Semper, — most  suggestive  of  writers  upon  the  architectural 
forms  of  the  ancients, — displayed  the  extraordinary  intuition  for 

20  V.  Place,  Ninive  et  V Assyrie.    Paris,  1867-70,  vol.  iii.  pi.  34. 

One  among  many :  Attic  lekythos,  with  a  representation  of  Orestes  at  the 
tomb  of  Agamemnon,  from  the  collection  of  Count  Pourtales-Gorgier,  published  by 
Raoul-Rochette  in  his  Monuments  inedits  d'Antiquite,  pi.  xxxi.  A. ;  and  also  by 
A.  Maisonneuve,  in  his  Introduction  d  V etude  des  vases  antiques.  Paris,  1817,  pi.  xxx. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NE ANDREI  A. 


13 


which  he  is  remarkable,  when  he  declared  the  evolution  of  the 
Ionic  capital  to  exhibit  a  stufenweisc  Umbildung  des  zuerst  nur  eine 
leiehte  Palmette  tragenden  Volutenkelches  in  den  balkenbelasteten  Saeulen- 
knavf.^'^  The  capabilities  of  this  combination  for  conventionalized 
development  led  to  its  frequent  employment  in  the  details  of  various 
architectural  decorations.  Several  ivory-carvings  from  pieces  of  fur- 
niture, found  in  tlie  north-western  palace  of  ^'imroud  and  now  in  the 
British  Museum,  clearly  show  the  Assyrian  form  of  this  capitaP^ 
(^^.3).  That  marked  A  is  not,  strictly  speaking,  an  architectural 
detail.  A  latetal  connection,  visible  beneath  one  of  the  volutes, 
shows  it  to  have  formed  part  of  such  ornamental  foliage  as  that 
before  referred  to.  The  palmetto  is  consequently  predominant  and 
of  a  semi-circular  outline.  B  and  c,  on  the  other  hand,  show  the 
form  as  adapted  to  a  functional  capital.  The  leaves  have  decreased 
in  size  and  elaboration ;  they  have 
become  a  simple  anthem  ion,  and  are 
terminated  by  the  straight  line  of 
an  epistyle.  The  volutes  occup)^ 
three  quarters  of  the  height;  they 
are  of  more  independent  formation 
and  better  proportion.  The  hori- 
zontal lines  at  the  base  are  multi- 
plied and  emphasized,  forming  a 
division  between  the  capital  and 
the  shaft  similar  to  the  annulets  of 
the  floral  columns  of  Egypt.  The  absolute  similarity  between  these 
two  examples  proves  that  the  shape  was  a  definitely  determined  type 
of  decoration.  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  these  ivories  are 
exact  representations  of  a  capital  systematically  employed  in  Assyrian 
architecture.  They  are  essentially  the  same  as  the  early  Greek  capital 
of  Mount  Chigri,  from  which  they  diifer  only  in  the  imperfect  spiral 

G.  Semper,  Der  Stil  in  den  teehnischen  unci  tektonischen  Kuensten.  (Second  edition) 
Muenchen,  1878.  Compare,  also,  J.  Braun  (Geschichte  der  Kunst,  Wiesbaden,  1856- 
58),  "Der  lonische  SlU  gehoert  Niniveh,  vielleicht  hercits  Babylon  an;  denn  er  ist  der 
gemeinsame  Stil  Asiens  schon  in  unbereehenbar  alter  Zeit — er  ist  ein  maechtiger  Stil,  dessen 
Sendboten  wir  durch  ganz  Kleinasien  und  ueber  die  phoenikische  Kueste  nach  KartJiago  und 
ins  inner ste  Afrika  verfolgen  koennenJ' 

That  marked  A  is  shown  in  a  small  and  inexact  vignette  serving  as  the  tail- 
piece to  the  list  of  illustrations  in  Layard,  Discoveries  in  Nineveh  and  Babylon.  Lon- 
don, 1853.    The  others  have  not  hitherto  been  published. 


Fig.  4. — Supposed  decoration  of  the 
original  wooden  capital. 


14 


A  PROTO-IONIG  CAPITAL 


of  the  volute,  and  in  the  triangle  masking  the  convergent  lines  at 
the  base. 

Owing  to  the  nature  of  the  building-materials  of  Assyria,  the 
columns  of  that  country  were  of  wood,^*  and  but  few  vestiges  of 
them  have  been  preserved.  Fragments  of  wooden  shafts,  encased  in 
scales  of  bronze,  have,  however,  been  found,^''  and  these  suffice  to 
give  certainty  to  the  conclusions  derived  from  the  representations  of 
columns  upon  Mesopotamian  reliefs. 

No  doubt  can  exist  as  to  the  origin  of  the  spiral  capital  from  the 
application  of  the  above-described  forms  to  the  details  of  such 
wooden  supports.  As  is  the  practice  in  every  rational  construc- 
tion of  timber,  a  horizontal  block,  projecting  in  the  direction  of 

the  imposed  beam,  was 
placed  between  the  sup- 
port and  the  epistyle 
{fig.  4).  This  interme- 
diate member  lent  itself 
readily  to  a  decoration 
of  an  I  hem  ion  leaves  and 
lateral  volutes.  Spirals 
were  drawn  upon  the 
projecting  sides,  either 
in  color  or  in  incised 
lines.  Wooden  columns 
with  capitals  of  this 
kind,  similar  in  design 
to  the  ivory-carvings 
before  described,  seem 
to  have  been  universal  in  Assyria,  and  to  have  formed,  so  to  speak, 
the  only  columnar  order  of  the  architecture  of  that  country.  They 
appear  in  the  well-known  representations  of  sediculas,  like  that 

Layard's  workmen  kindled  their  watch-fires  with  the  timbers  employed  nearly 
three  thousand  years  ago  in  the  construction  of  the  palaces  of  the  Assyrian  kings. 
Strabo  (739),  in  an  interesting  passage  relating  to  the  buildings  of  Babylon,  remarks 
that  Loth  beams  and  columns  were  made  of  the  trunks  of  palm-trees,  the  latter, 
in  the  dwellings  of  the  poorer  classes,  being  wound  around  with  twisted  wisps  of 
straw,  coated  with  stucco  and  painted.  A  more  monumental  method  of  this  revet- 
ment, referred  to  in  Note  25,  imitated  the  scales  of  the  palm-tree  in  sheets  of  bronze. 

A  cylindrical  column  of  cedar  wood  was  found  and  published  by  Place,  Ninive, 
vol.  I.  p.  120,  and  vol.  iii.  pi.  73. 


Fig.  5. — Assyrian  cedicula  from  a  relief.  Khorsabad. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NE ANDREI  A. 


15 


standing  in  a  royal  park,  upon  a  relief  from  the  northern  palace  of 
Koyundjik,26ancl  that  on  the  bank  of  a  river,  from  Khorsabad'^  (fig. 
5).  The  fact,  that  the  spirals  are,  in  these  instances,  so  doubled 
that  four  vohites  appear  between  the  shaft  and  the  epistyle,  does  not 
alfect  the  fundamental  character  of  the  ca])ita],  this  duplication  being 
due  to  tlie  adoption  of  two  transverse  blocks  of  wood,  instead  of  one. 

Even  more  exact  information  concerning  the  appearance  of  the 
Mesopotamian  capital  is  to  be  obtained  from  the  Sippara  stone,  dating 
from  about  900  b.  c,  now  in  the  British  Museum.  Upon  it  is  shown 
one  side  of  a  tabernacle  under  which  a  deity  sits  enthroned,  and  it 
is  believed  by  Assyriologists  that  the  artist  has  here  imitated  details 
of  the  chief  sanctuary  of  Sippara.  The  column  is  represented  with 
the  greatest  care.  The  slender  shaft,  evidently  of  wood,  appears  to  be 
covered,  in  imitation  of  the  bark  of  a  palm- 
tree,  with  scales  like  those  discovered  by  Place, 
and  the  capital  is  of  a  spiral  form,  very  similar 
to  the  ivory-carvings  (fig.  6).  The  volutes 
spring  from  the  shaft,  fi'om  which  they  are 
separated  by  three  annulets.  They  bear  a  bud 
of  semi-circular  outline,  of  the  same  general 
form  as  the  authemion,  and  precisely  like  that 
of  a  Phoenician  capital  found  in  Kypros  ( fig.  7), 
this  abbreviation  of  the  palmetto  having  been 
rendered  necessary  by  the  cramped  space  be- 
tween the  scrolls,  which  did  not  allow  an 
indication  of  the  separate  leaves.  The  appearance  of  these  details 
upon  the  base,  as  well  as  upon  the  capital,  of  the  Sippara  column  is 
the  clearest  possible  evidence  of  the  timbered  construction  :  the  inter- 
mediate block  of  carved  wood  being  as  much  needed  between  the 
base  of  the  post  and  the  sill,  as  between  its  summit  and  the  epistyle 
beam.  The  adoption  of  forms  originally  thus  determined  does  not, 
of  course,  disprove  the  assumption  of  Perrot,^^  that  the  capital  of 

A.  H.  Layard,  Nineveh  and  its  Remains.  London,  1849,  vol.  ii.  Published  also 
in  G.  Rawlinson,  The  Five  Great  Monarchies  of  the  Ancient  Eastern  World.  (Second 
edition)  London,  1871,  vol.  i. ;  and  in  many  other  text-books. 

2^Botta  et  Flandin,  Monuments  de  Ninive.  Paris,  1849-50,  pi.  114.  The  illustra- 
tion is  taken  from  this  work. 

PervotetChiinez,  Ilistoire  del' Art  dans  UAntiquite.  Vol.  ii.  Assyrie.  Paris,  1883. 
The  author,  however,  certainly  goes  too  far  when,  in  the  subsequent  volume  of  the 


Fig.  6. —  Upper  part  of  a 
Babylonian  column  from 
the  Sippara  stone. 


16 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


Sippara  was  itself  executed  in  sheet  bronze,  either  soldered  or 
beaten  to  shape.  The  prototype, — the  member  to  which  the  helix 
and  anthemion  were  first  applied  as  a  decoration, — was  certainly  of 
wood. 

The  forms  of  the  baluster,  from  its  first  appearance  until  the 
present  day, — during  well-nigh  three  thousand  years, — have  never 
overcome  the  one-sidedness  resulting  from  this  original  timbered  con- 
struction. Contrary  to  the  Doric  and  Corinthian  capitals  of  the 
ancients,  to  the  trapeze-shaped  capital  of  the  Byzantines,  and  to  the 
cube  capital  of  the  Romanic  style,  the  Ionic  volutes,  like  the  con- 
soles of  such  Indian  piers  as  those  of  the  grotto  of  Ajanta,  are 
chiefly  developed  in  the  direction  of  the  epistyle.  When  we,  today, 
employ  the  spiral  capital, — whether  placing  the  volutes  vertically, 
like  those  of  Pompeii,  or  horizontally,  according  to  Vignola's  text- 
book of  the  Renaissance, — we  make  use  of  forms  which  can  be  traced 
back  to  the  details  of  Mesopotamian  ornament :  in  the  same  way 
that  so  many  of  the  words  which  we  utter  are  derived,  through  many 
transformations,  from  the  primitive  speech  of  our  Indo-European 
ancestors. 

Long  before  the  Greeks  had  built  in  the  Ionic  style, — while  the 
stone  walls  of  the  primitive  fanes  of  Hellas  still  supported  the  beams 
imitated  in  the  Doric  entablature, — the  races  inhabiting  the  plateaus 
of  Kappadokia,  Lykaonia,  and  Phrygia,  in  Asia  Minor,  had  derived 
the  chief  features  of  their  architecture  from  Mesopotamia.  The  spiral 
capital  of  Assyria  appears  in  Kappadokia  in  a  city  probably  destroyed 
as  early  as  the  time  of  Kroisos ;  the  Assyrian  palmetto  has  recently 
been  found  as  the  termination  of  a  column  in  the  great  necropolis  of 
ancient  Phrygia ;  and  the  celebrated  tombs  of  Lykia,  especially 
those  of  Antiphellos,  Myra,  and  Telmessos,  exhibit,  together  with 

history,  he  assumes  that  the  form  of  the  volutes  was  suggested  by  a  sphyrelaton 
model. 

Identified  with  Pterion  in  G.  Perrot,  Exploration  areheologique  de  la  Galatie  et  de 
la  Bithynie,  d'une  partie  de  la  Mysie,  de,  la  Cappadnce  et  du  Pont ;  executee  en  1S61. 
Paris,  1862-72.  Compare  a  general  view  of  the  Ionic  style  given  by  the  same  author 
in  an  essay  on  V  Art  de  VAsie  Mineure,  ses  origines,  son  influence,  reprinted  from  vol. 
XXV.  of  the  Revue  Areheologique  in  his  Memoires  d^  Archeologie,  d Epigraphie  et  d'His- 
toire  (Paris,  1875);  and  in  his  short  note  Sur  Vorigine  de  V  Ordre  ionique,  in  the 
Bulletin  de  la  ^;ociete  Nationale  des  Antiquaires  de  France,  annee  1871. 

W.  M.  Ramsay,  Some  Phrygian  Monuments.  Reprinted  from  the  Journal  of 
Hellenic  studies,  1882,  pi.  xix. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDREIA. 


17 


late  and  debased  forms,  such  primitive  features  as  to  place  it  beyond 
doubt  that  this  province  was  an  important  station  in  the  advance  of 
the  Ionic  style  from  Mesopotamia  to  the  Aegean.  The  most  striking 
examples  of  the  intermediate  stages  of  develoi)ment,  however,  are 
the  Phoenician  works  brought  to  light  in  Syria,  Malta,  and  especially 
in  Kypros.  All  the  varieties  of  the  Assyrian  volute  are  recognizable 
among  these  remains.  A  capital  discovered  at  Trapeza,  near  Fama- 
gusta,  Kypros,  now  in  the  Louvre,^^  {jig.  7),  is  of  precisely  the  same 
type  as  that  represented  by  the  ivories  of  Nimroud,  and  the  capital 
of  Chigri.  The  clearest  possible  understanding  of  the  development 
of  the  Ionic  volutes  is  gained  by  a  comparison  of  this  work  with  the 
conventional  decorations  of  Mesopotamia  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 


Fig.  7. — Phoenician  capital  found  at  Trapeza,  Kypros. 


primitive  Greek  capital  on  the  other,  between  which  it  forms  a  con- 
necting link.  The  designers  of  Phoenicia,  in  adopting  the  forms  of 
Assyrian  art,  served  rather  to  perpetuate  than  to  perfect.  In  archi- 
tectural history  the  importance  of  this  conmiercial  people  consists  in 
their  having  spread  abroad  methods  of  artistic  expression  derived 
by  them  from  older  civilizations,  rather  than  in  any  great  progress 
of  their  own.  The  capital  of  Trapeza  is  an  improvement  upon  the 
Assyrian  model,  in  that  the  volutes  occupy  the  entire  height  between 

^'  Perrot  et  Cliipiez,  Hisfoire  de  I'Art  dans  V  Antiquile.  Vol.  in.  Pheiucie-Chypre. 
Paris,  1885.  The  illustration  is  taken  from  this  work.  The  height  of  this  capital 
is  0.75,  the  thickness  0.30,  the  length  of  the  abacus  1.22m. 


18 


A  PBOTO-IOmC  CAPITAL 


the  abacus  and  the  annulets,  and  approach  more  closely  to  the  true 
curve  of  the  helix.  But  in  other  respects  the  changes  are  few  and 
by  no  means  advantageous.  The  square  plan  of  the  original  wooden 
post  has  been  retained,  together  with  the  broad  annulets  and  the 
triangle  of  liard  lines,  which  are  connected  with  the  base  of  the  volutes 
in  a  most  inorganic  fashion.  The  high  abacus  of  long  and  narrow 
plan,  borrowed  from  the  capitals  of  another  style,  restricts  the  devel- 
opment of  the  spiral  projections  and  cramps  the  anthemion  to  a  mere 
knop,  of  still  less  importance  than  that  of  the  Sippara  capital. 

Even  before  the  discovery  of  the  capital  from  Mount  Chigri,  the 
representations  of  Ionic  details  upon  the  most  ancient  Greek  vases 
made  it  evident  that  the  primitive  form  of  this  member  must  have  had 
a  much  greater  projection  than  that  customary  in  the  perfected  exam- 
ples, and  that  the  volutes  did  not  lie  upon  an  echinos  moulding,  but 
grew  directly  from  the  shaft,  bearing  between  them  an  anthemion. 

An  archaic  amphora  from  A^olcei,  now 
in  the  British  Museum,^^  clearly  shows 
this  formation  (fig.  8).  The  painted  and 
incised  outline  upon  this  vase  might  be  a 
direct  imitation  of  such  a  capital  as  that 

^  now  brouo^ht  to  li2:ht,  with  which  it  a2:rees 

Fig.  8. — Ionic  capital  from  an  .  .   ^        .       .  ,  . 

archaic  vase  nven  in  proportions.   Another  archaic  vase 

of  the  same  collection  (No.  480)  shows  a 

very  similar  capital.    The  architectural  details  of  such  paintings  were 

The  painting  on  this  vase  is  published  by  E.  Gerhard  (Auserlesene  grieehisehe 
Vasenbilder.  Berlin,  1839-58,  vol.  iv.  taf.  ccxli)  Lut  without  sufficient  accuracy 
for  architectural  comparison.  Capitals  of  the  kind  are  by  no  means  uncommon: 
compare  F.  Inghirami,  Pitture  di  Vasi.    Firenze,  1852-56.    Vol.  iii.    Tav.  384. 

In  rare  instances  volute  capitals  of  primitive  form  were  executed  in  relief.  One 
of  the  most  remarkable  examples  is  the  detail  of  terra-cotta, — possibly  the  handle 
of  a  large  vase, — found  during  the  excavations  at  Assos.  Its  upright  scrolls  and 
clumsy  abacus  are  touched  with  white,  the  rest  of  the  red  clay  being  covered  with  a 
dull-red  surface-priming.  This  fragment  is  now  in  the  collection  of  antiquities  from 
Assos,  in  the  Boston  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  and  is  numbered  P.  4121. 

It  is  probable,  also,  that  the  heraldic  sphinxes  of  Assos,  upon  the  epistyle  of  the 
chief  temple  of  that  place,  rest  their  paws  upon  a  diminutive  Ionic  stele,  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  lions  of  the  gate  of  Mykenai  face  an  inverted  proto-Doric  column. 
The  surface  of  the  stone  has  been  so  obliterated  by  weathering  that  the  spirals  can- 
not be  traced  upon  either  of  the  reliefs;  still,  it  is  plain,  from  that  in  Boston  num- 
bered S.  1158,  and  especially  from  that  shown  by  pi.  19  of  the  Assos  Report,  that  the 
sculptor  has  here  represented  the  outline  of  the  volutes,  and  even  of  the  middle 
anthemion,  of  an  archaic  Ionic  capital. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDREIA. 


19 


declared  by  Hittorff  to  be  les  seuls  souvenirs  qui  nous  restent  d' edifices 
sacres  sitr  lesquels  les  notions  historiques  ont  entib^ement  disparu.^ 

The  discovery  here  published  supplies  the  actual  archaic  example 
hitherto  wanting. 

The  Chigri  capital  shows  a  great  improvement,  even  upon  those 
works  most  closely  related  to  it  which  have  been  found  in  the  inte- 
rior of  Asia  Minor  and  in  Kypros.  Hellenic  genius,  brought  to 
bear  upon  this  architectural  member,  at  once  manifests  its  superiority 
in  technical  respects.  The  deformed  volutes  of  the  Kypriote  capital 
have  become  perfect  spirals,  while  the  anthemion  leaves,  as  before 
explained,  are  of  great  subtlety  of  design.  The  disturbing  triangle 
at  the  base  of  the  volutes  has  been  omitted;  and  the  annulets,  if 
still  employed,  are  transferred  to  the  shaft.  A  decided  progress  is 
noticeable  in  the  omission  of  the  Phoenician  abacus,  and  the  restric- 
tion of  the  epistyle-bearing  to  a  small  part  of  the  capital.  In  this 
point  the  style  has  here  already  attained  to  its  final  perfection. 

In  other  regards,  it  is  still  far  removed  from  the  most  primitive 
Ionic  capitals  of  Greece  hitherto  known.  The  excessive  projection, 
considerably  greater  upon  either  side  than  the  diameter  of  the  shaft, 
betrays  the  close  dependence  of  the  capital  upon  the  forms  of  a 
wooden  construction.  In  striking  contrast  to  the  square  termination 
of  the  Doric  column,  the  plan  of  this  member  is  so  oblong  that  the 
front  is  more  than  three  times  as  long  as  the  side.  A  lateral  projec- 
tion so  disproportionate,  not  only  could  never  have  originated  in  the 
stone  terminations  of  a  round  shaft,  but  it  would  be  difficult  to 
believe  from  the  drawing  {plan,  fig.  2)  that  the  capital  was  executed 
in  that  material. 

So  one-sided  a  capital  could  only  have  been  employed  in  antis. 
With  the  subsequent  introduction  of  the  peripteral  plan  it  became 
necessary  to  render  the  proportions  of  front  and  side  more  nearly 
equal,  in  order  to  adapt  the  volutes  to  the  corner  column, — which 
always  presented  the  chief  difficulty  of  this  style.^*   The  important 

Hittorff  et  Zanth.  Architecture  antique  de  la  Sidle.  (Second  publication)  Paris, 
1870. 

34  The  assertion  of  Lohde  (die  ArchiteJdonik  cler  Hellenen,  Berlin,  1862;  reprinted 
in  J.  M.  von  Mauch,  Die  architektonischen  Ordnungen  der  Griechen  und  Boemer. 
Seventh  edition,  Berlin,  1875),  that  the  forms  of  the  Ionic  style  originated  in 
connection  with  the  peripteral  and  dipteral  (!)  plan  is  utterly  incorrect,  and  would 
be  beneath  criticism,  were  it  not  that  it  is  made  in  a  popular  text-book. 


20 


A  PBOTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


combination  peculiar  to  the  perfected  Ionic  capital,  the  conjunction 
of  an  echinos  with  the  volutes,  was  one  of  the  means  chosen  to  effect 
this  end.  The  front  of  the  capital  from  Chigri  is  as  entirely  with- 
out projection,  as  is  that  of  the  hypothetical  Avooden  support  given  in 
figure  4  to  illustrate  the  first  application  of  the  helix  to  the  termina- 
tion of  a  column.  In  the  Erechtheion,  however,  the  length  of  the 
capital  in  proportion  to  its  depth  is  found,  when  compared  with  that 
of  Chigri,  to  have  been  reduced  by  very  nearly  one  half,  the  ratio 
of  the  baluster  to  the  front  of  the  volutes  being  about  4  to  7. 

The  impossibility  of  allowing  the  epistyle  to  rest  upon  any  part 
of  such  volutes  as  those  of  the  Chigri  capital,  and  the  desire  to  em- 
phasize the  horizontal  lines  of  the  termination,  led  to  a  further 
change  of  much  significance,  namely,  the  inversion  of  the  scroll  in 
such  a  manner  that  the  two  spirals  no  longer  proceeded  from  the 
shaft,  but  were  connected  by  a  horizontal  band,  upon  the  back  of 
which  rested  the  narrow  abacus  and  the  epistyle-beam.  This 
arrangement  is  unquestionably  of  great  antiquity,  appearing  upon 
the  before-mentioned  relief  of  Kappadokia  and  in  archaic  vase- 
paintings  from  Kypros.  It  was  destined  to  wholly  supersede  the 
upright  volutes.  But,  as  in  the  Doric  style  some  primitive  feat- 
ures were  retained  in  the  antae-capitals,  so,  even  in  the  latest 
periods  of  Greek  architecture,  the  principle  of  the  vertical  volutes 
continued  to  be  employed  in  the  capitals  of  pilasters,  as  for  example 
in  those  of  the  great  temple  of  Miletos,  and  of  that  of  Athena  Polias 
at  Priene.  With  this  change  in  the  position  of  the  volutes  the 
anthemion  ceased  to  be  a  constituent  member  of  the  Ionic  capital ; 
yet  so  entirely  had  it  been  identified  with  the  style,  that  it  remained 
persistently  in  use  as  a  subordinate  decoration  :  appearing  not  only 
in  antefixes,  simas,  and  decorated  bands,  but  in  the  inner  corners  of 
the  spirals,  and  in  the  Attic  necking  of  the  capital  itself.  In  the 
archaistic  capital  of  the  temple  of  Bassae,  the  anthemion  even  assumes 
its  original  position  between  the  two  volutes  in  the  middle  of  the  face. 

There  is  but  a  single  example  known  to  illustrate  the  stages  of 
development  intervening  between  the  capital  from  Chigri  and  those 
of  the  peripteral  Ionic  temples,  namely,  the  fragmentary  capital  from 
the  Heroon  of  Selinous,  probably  referable  to  the  sixth  century  B.  c. 
{fig.  9).  Unfortunately,  so  little  remains  of  this,  that  it  is  not  even 
certain  whether  the  volutes  were  vertical  or  horizontal ;  probabilities 
favor  the  assumption  of  the  latter  arrangement,  but  in  this  respect 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDREIA. 


21 


no  great  weight  can  be  attached  to  the  restoration  given  by  Hittorff.^ 
The  helix,  though  it  has  more  numerous  turns,  is  very  similar  in 
general  character  to  that  of  the  Chigri  capital.  The  relative  thick- 
ness of  the  member  is,  however,  much  greater,  and  it  is  especially 
remarkable  that  the  roll,  although  not  contracted  as  in  all  later 
balusters,  has  been  decorated  with  a  pattern  of  scales.  .  Apart  from 
the  too  numerous  convolutions  of  the  spiral,  the  most  immature 
feature  of  the  design  is  the  excessive  projection  of  the  abacus,  the 
edge  of  which  is  ornamented  with  an  egg-and-dart  moulding.  From 
this  it  appears  that  the  change  in  the  position  of  the  volutes  led,  at 
first,  to  an  extension  of  the  bearing.    This  was  again  reduced  in 


Fig.  9  — Fragment  of  an  archaic  Ionic  capital  from  Selinous. 

subsequent  times,  the  front  of  the  strip  receiving  the  same  carved 
ornaments  as  the  side. 

It  is  worthy  of  note,  as  an  evidence  of  the  tentative  methods  of 
this  period  of  advance,  that  the  Ionic  capital  was,  as  in  the  Heroon 
of  Selinous,  often  employed  together  with  the  Doric  entablature  of 
triglyphs  and  metopes:  the  capital  developed  upon  the  tall  palm- 
shafts  of  Asia  thus  being  combined  with  the  entablature  derived 
from  the  wall-plates  and  beams  of  primitive  Hellas.  It  is  not 
strange  that,  among  the  few  remains  of  this  earliest  period,  but  one 

35  J.  I.  HittorfF,  Restitution  du  temple  d' Empedocle  d  Selinonte  (Paris,  1851,  pi.  vi.), 
and  the  work  before  quoted  on  the  ancient  architecture  of  Sicily.  The  illustration 
is  taken  from  the  latter  publication. 


22 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


monument  of  so  imperfect  an  arrangement  should  have  been  pre- 
served until  the  present  day.  But  the  number  of  examples  furnished 
by  the  paintings  of  archaic  Greek  vases  may  be  taken  as  an  indica- 
tion that  the  forms  of  the  volute-capital  had  come  into  general  use 
at  a  period  when  the  Ionic  zophoros  and  dentils  had  not  been  intro- 
duced into  Greek  architecture,  or,  at  least,  had  not  been  developed 
into  a  system. 

The  same  elements  that  formed  the  capitals  of  the  Erechtheion 
constituted  the  terminations  of  the  weak  and  overladen  shafts 
of  Persepolis ;  the  spirals  and  palmettos  of  semi-barbarous  Meso- 
potamian  decorations  were  employed  as  architectural  details  by 
the  designers  of  Persia,  as  well  as  by  those  of  Attica.  Yet  the 
decadence  evident  in  the  architecture  of  Persia  is  contemporary  with 
the  highest  development  of  the  Ionic  style  among  the  Greeks. 
ISTo  better  illustration  is  possible  of  the  truth,  that  growth,  and  not 
invention,  is  the  j)rinciple  of  all  progress  in  ancient  art. 

The  builders  of  the  present  age  have  to  deal  with  a  confusion  of 
decorative  forms  and  constructive  methods  similar  to  that  which 
prevailed  throughout  the  ancient  world  before  the  rise  of  Greek 
architecture.  Hence,  the  most  direct  and  practical  service  of  archae- 
ology to  architecture  must  consist  in  a  historical  elucidation  of  those 
principles  of  artistic  selection  and  evolution  which  were  followed  by 
the  Greeks  in  their  progress  toward  the  incomparable  perfection  of 
Attic  monuments. 


^^As,  for  instance,  the  archaic  vase  in  the  British  Museum,  No.  480,  and  that  pub- 
lished by  Inghirarai,  before  referred  to.  Many  others  have  been  collected  by  Hittorff. 
It  may  be  assumed,  with  great  probability,  that  the  combination  of  the  triglyph- 
frieze  with  the  Ionic  capital,  observable  in  such  later  structures  as  the  tomb  of 
Theron  at  Akragas,  the  Tomb  of  Absalom  near  Jerusalem,  and  several  rock-cut 
fagades  in  the  great  necropolis  of  Kyrene,  is  due  to  a  reminiscence  of  the  primitive 
employment  of  these  features  upon  the  same  building.  It  will  be  observed  that 
these  monuments  of  Sicily,  Syria,  and  Northern  Africa  are,  although  late,  decidedly 
provincial,  and  hence  might  naturally  be  expected  to  preserve  barbarous  and  imma- 
ture traits  which  had  wholly  disappeared  from  the  art  of  Greece  itself. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDBEIA. 


23 


II. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  fact,  that  the  monuments 
of  the  earliest  period  of  architectural  development  among  the  Greeks 
were,  with  but  few  exceptions,  lost  to  science  through  having  been 
replaced  by  buildings  of  the  more  advanced  styles.  The  preservation 
of  so  primitive  a  memorial  as  this  capital  is  to  be  accounted  for  by 
the  position  of  Mount  Chigri,  and,  especially,  by  the  history  of  the 
ancient  city  which  occupied  its  summit.  The  identification  of  the 
ruins  is  of  direct  value  in  connection  with  the  archaeological  con- 
sideration, as  it  supplies  a  terminus  ante  quern  for  all  discoveries  made 
upon  the  site  thus  fortunately  spared. 

Chigri-Dagh  is  formed  by  cliffs  of  granite,  rising  steeply  to  a 
height  determined  by  the  surveyors  of  the  English  admiralty as 
1648  ft.,  and  by  VirchoAv^^  as  499.9  met.  The  barometrical  readings 
of  the  Assos  expedition  served  only  to  verify  these  estimates,  the 
difference  between  which  is  but  about  three  metres.  Chigri  is  thus 
the  most  prominent  landmark  of  the  Troad,  north  of  Saqa-Kioh 
and  west  of  the  Skamandros. 

The  view  from  the  summit  is  magnificent.  Upon  the  north  is  the 
plain  of  Ilion,  divided  by  the  silver  line  of  the  Skamandros  ;  beyond 
are  the  Hellespont  and  the  Thrakian  Chersonesos.  Every  curve  of 
the  western  coast  of  the  Troad  can  be  traced.  The  imposing  ruins  of 
Alexandreia  Troas,  to  which  town  the  primitive  inhabitants  of  Chigri 
were  removed  by  Antigonos,  are  easily  discerned,  and  opposite  to  the 
half-submerged  mole  of  this  once  populous  metropolis,  lies  Tenedos, 
which,  in  still  more  ancient  times,  had  been  colonized  by  Tennes,  son 
of  the  king  of  Kolonai  and  Neandreia  (Chigri), — thereby  receiving 
the  name  by  which  it  is  known  even  to-day.    North  of  Imbros, 

^'Admiralty  map  No.  1608.    Entrance  to  the  Dardanelles,  surveyed  by  Spratt,  1840. 
R.  Virchow,  Beitraege  zur  Landeskunde  der  Troas.    Aus  den  Abhandl.  d.  Kgl. 
Akademie  der  Wissenschaften  zu  Berlin  1879.    Berlin,  1879. 


24 


A  PBOTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


Samothrake,  the  mighty  seat  of  Poseidon,  rises  precipitously  from 
the  blue  waters  of  the  Aegean,  and  far  beyond  the  low  and  hazy 
hills  of  Lemnos,  the  setting  sun  outlines  with  wonderful  distinct- 
ness the  conical  peak  of  Athos,^^*"  more  than  one  hundred  and  seventy- 
five  kilometres  distant:  thus,  the  horizon  is  bordered  by  the  sacred 
sites  of  the  Kabeirian  mysteries  and  the  holy  mountain  of  Eastern 
Christianity;  while  prominent  in  the  foreground  is  the  domed  mosque 
of  Kemaly.  To  the  east  stretch  the  fertile  plains  of  the  Samonion, 
once  a  territory  of  Chigri ;  beyond  are  the  majestic  heights  of  Ida. 
On  the  south,  the  violet  crest  of  Mount  Lepethymnos,  in  Lesbos, 
rises  above  the  volcanic  ridge  which  borders  the  Adramyttian  gulf. 
The  scene  of  the  Iliad  is  spread  out  before  the  beholder  like  a 
map. 

The  uneven  summit  of  Chigri  is  fortified  by  extensive  walls,  of  an 
irregular  rhomboidal  })lan.  The  greatest  length  of  the  enclosure, 
from  east  to  west,  may  roughly  be  estimated  as  one  kilometre,  while 
its  greatest  width  is  less  than  one  third  as  much.^^  The  ramparts  are 
of  hewn  stones,  polygonal  and  square,  dating  to  various  periods 
anterior  to  the  fourth  century  B.  c.  They  are  skilfully  planned  to 
profit  by  the  natural  advantages  for  defence  of  this  rocky  height,  and, 
being  in  an  exceptionally  good  state  of  preservation  throughout  their 
entire  length,  they  are  among  the  finest  monuments  of  Greek  military 
engineering  in  Asia  Minor.  The  city  is  approached  from  the  north- 
east by  a  grand  causeway,  paved  with  slabs  of  stone,  and  evidently 

This  spectacle,  little  less  than  marvellous  in  view  of  the  great  distance  from 
shore  to  shore,  has  been  observed  by  the  writer  on  many  occasions:  from  Chigri, 
from  the  coast  between  Alexandreia  Troas  and  Lekton,  and  even  from  the  much 
more  remote  summit  of  Mount  Ida.  It  has  been  referred  to  by  several  authorities. 
Clare  conspicitur  Athos  cum  caelum  est  serenum,  ex  HeUesponto  et  Asiatico  liiore,  multo 
autem  darius  ex  Ida  Monte,  says  Vossius  in  the  observations  {ad  lib.  ii.  cap.  2)  attached 
to  his  edition  of  Mela,  Hagae  Comitis,  1658. 

We  are  reminded  of  the  saying  of  the  ancients,  repeated  by  many  writers,  that 
the  shadow  of  Athos  was  cast  upon  the  market-place  of  Lemnos  at  noon,  or  (and  this 
was  undoubtedly  the  original  meaning  of  the  fable)  by  the  setting  sun  at  the  time  of 
the  summer  solstice. 

Newton,  whose  work  will  be  cited  below,  judges  the  summit  to  be  ''more 
than  a  mile  long,"  from  the  fact  that  it  took  him  twenty  minutes  to  walk  the  dis- 
tance; but  it  is  evident  that  this  estimate  is  too  great.  Calvert's  measurement, 
published  by  Pullan  and  repeated,  without  acknowledgment,  by  Schliemann,  gives 
1900  paces  as  the  length,  and  520  paces  as  the  breadth  of  the  enclosure. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDREIA. 


25 


of  great  antiquity.  The  chief  entrances  to  the  enclosure  are  at  the 
north-cast  and  at  the  south,  and  are  particularly  important.  They 
are  flanked  by  square  towers  very  similar  to  those  of  the  main  gate- 
way at  Assos,  their  monolithic  lintels  and  jambs  showing  traces  of 
the  bolts  and  battens.  It  is  not  the  present  purpose,  however,  to 
give  any  adequate  account  of  these  fortifications,  or  of  the  ruins  of 
the  city  itself ;  though  it  may  be  remarked  that  the  capital  which  is 
the  subject  of  this  paper  and  the  fragments  of  the  painted  terracottas 
which  undoubtedly  belonged  to  the  same  building,  were  found  in  the 
north-west  corner  of  the  enclosure. 

The  first  explorer  who  is  known  to  have  visited  the  ruins  of 
Mount  Chigri  is  Pococke, — the  earlier  travellers  in  the  Troad  who 
penetrated  beyond  the  port  of  Alexandreia  Troas,  such  as  Bel  on 
(1554)  and  Du  Loir  (1654),  not  having  gone  farther  inland  than  the 
hot  springs  of  Lidja.  Pococke""^  calls  the  site  Chigur,  and  identifies 
it  with  Skepsis,  from  the  similarity  of  the  name  of  that  ancient  town 
to  that  of  the  neighboring  village  of  Eskiupjee  (Eski  Skupchu).  De 
Vaugondy's  ancient  map  of  Asia  Minor,"  published  fifteen  years 
after  Pococke's  last  volume,  gives  Cocyllum  (Kokylion)  in  the  posi- 
tion of  Chigri.  Kokylion  is  one  of  the  towns  of  the  Troad  mentioned 
by  Pliny  as  deserted  in  his  time,  and  its  identification  with  Chigri 
rests  solely  upon  the  similarity  of  the  names.  Whether  this  was 
due  to  the  map-maker  alone,  or  to  some  traveller  previous  to  1760, 
other  than  Pococke,  it  is  not  possible  to  say.  Lechevalier^^  subse- 
quently adopted  the  name  Kokylion  from  the  village  of  Qocholo- 
bassy,  to  the  north  of  Chigri,  which  mountain  he  calls  Kiril-Dagh. 
This  misleading  method  of  identification  was  also  practised  by 
Choiseul,^^  whose  assumption  that  Chigri  was  the  site  of  Kenchreai 
is  still  the  most  generally  accepted.  ChoiseuPs  authority  was  in  this 
respect  greatly  strengthened  by  the  endorsement  of  Leake and 

^"E.  Pococke,  A  description  of  the  East  and  some  other  countries.  London,  1743-45. 
Part  two. 

Asia  3Iinor.    Auctore  K.  de  Vaugondy.    Paris?  1760? 
^2  Pliny,  V.  32.    Compare  also  Xenophon,  Hell.  iii.  1.  16. 
J.  B.  Lechevalier,  Voyage  de  la  Troade,  fait  dans  les  annees  1785  et  17S6.  (Third 
edition)  Paris,  1802. 

M.  G.  A.  F.  de  Clioiseul-Gouffier,  Voyage  pittoresqiie  de  la  Grece.    Paris,  1782- 

1809,  Vol.  II. 

*^  W.  M.  Leake,  Journal  of  a  Tour  in  Asia  Minor.    London,  1824. 


26 


A  PEOTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


Webb/^  Some  account  of  the  interesting  geological  aspects  of  Chigri 
is  given  by  Tchihatchetf ;  he  makes,  however,  the  error  of  speaking 
of  the  formation  as  a  trachyte.  The  more  modern  travellers  who  have 
visited  the  ruins  are  ISTewton/^  whose  excellent  description  has  been 
referred  to ;  Pullan/^  who  published  Calvert's  notes ;  and,  within 
the  last  few  years,  Meyer,^^  Schliemann,^^  Virchow,^^  Diller,  the 
geologist  of  the  Assos  expedition,^^  and  Jebb.^* 

Compared  with  the  many  visitors  to  the  neighboring  towns,  this  is 
but  a  short  list.  Perhaps  the  neglect  of  Chigri  may  in  some  measure 
be  attributed  to  the  evil  repute  of  this  lonely  mountain  as  the  resort 
of  brigands.  Commander  Spratt  having  had  a  narrow  escape  from 
one  of  these  bands  while  visiting  the  site.  Many  travellers  have 
passed  directly  by  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  the  road  from  Ezine  to  the 
ruins  of  Alexandreia  Troas,  without  making  the  ascent. 

The  identification  of  Chigri  as  Kenchreai,  proposed  by  Choiseul 
and  favored  by  Leake,  Webb  and  Virchow,  is,  as  before  mentioned, 

P.  B.  Webb,  Osservazioni  intorno  alio  stato  antico  e  presente  delV  agro  Trojano ; 
first  published  in  Acerbi's  Bihlioteca  Italiana,  Milnno,  1821;  written  by  the  author 
for  that  journal  and  translated  under  his  supervision. 

P.  Chikhacliev,  Asie  Mineure,  description  physique,  statistique  et  archeologique  de 
cette  contree.    Quatrieme  partie.    Paris,  1853-69. 

C.  T.  Newton,  Travels  and  discoveries  in  the  Levant.    London,  1865. 

R.  P.  Pullan,  in  Murray's  Handbook  for  travellers  in  Turkey  in  Asia.  (Fourth 
edition)  London,  1878. 

E,  Meyer,  Geschichte  von  Troas.  Leipzig,  1877. 
^'  H.  Schliemann,  Ilios:  Stadt  und  Land  der  Trojaner.  Leipzig,  1881,  The  slight 
notes  given  in  the  Beise  in  der  Troas  im  Mai  1881  (Leipzig,  1881)  are  reprinted 
in  Troja.  London,  1884.  Scliliernann's  statement  {Ilios  p.  57),  that  there  is  no 
accumulation  of  debris  on  Mount  Chigri,  is  misleading.  The  native  rock  does,  indeed, 
crop  out  in  many  parts  of  the  fortress,  notably  at  the  south-east  and  north-east  cor- 
ners, where  peaks  of  trachyte  rise  even  above  the  fortification  walls :  yet,  through- 
out the  greater  part  of  the  enclosure,  there  is  a  soil  of  considerable  depth,  as  is  evi- 
dent from  the  fact  that  the  summit  of  the  mountain  serves  as  the  pasture  for  a  great 
number  of  horses  and  cattle  at  a  season  when  the  lower  plains  have  been  parched  by 
the  summer  sun.  Schliemann's  further  assertion,  that  "only  here  and  there  a  late 
Roman  potsherd  and  some  fragments  of  bricks  of  a  late  date "  were  to  be  seen,  is 
absolutely  incorrect.  Careful  examinations  of  the  site,  on  several  occasions,  failed 
to  bring  to  light  any  remains  more  recent  than  of  the  fourth  century  b.  c. 

Virchow's  barometrical  measurement  of  the  height,  given  in  the  Beitraege  zur 
Landeskunde  der  Troas,  quoted  above,  is  printed  also  in  Schliemann's  Ilios. 

J.  S.  Diller,  The  geology  of  Assos,  in  Clarke's  Beport  on  the  investigations  at  Assos, 
1881.    Boston,  1882. 

R.  C.  Jebb,  A  tour  in  the  Troad :  in  the  Fortnightly  Bevieiv,  No.  cxcvi.  London, 
1883. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OP  NE ANDREI  A. 


27 


that  generally  accepted.^^  This  assumption  can  be  definitely  dis- 
proved. Kenchreai  is  of  interest  as  one  of  the  cities  which  claimed 
to  have  been  the  birthplace  of  Homer  (Souidas,  s.  v.  OfirjpoQ),  and 
as  the  place  Avhere  the  great  poet  dwelt  while  familiarizing  himself 
with  the  scenes  of  the  Trojan  war  (Steph.  Byzant.  s.  v.  Ksyj^fjiac). 
But  Kenchreai  existed  as  a  citadel  at  a  date  long  after  Chigri  must 
have  been  deserted.  Georgios  Pachymeres  [De  Mich.  Pal.  vi.  24) 
informs  us  that  the  emperor  Michael  Palaeologos  confined  the 
unfortunate  Manuel  in  this  fortress.  The  same  writer  [De  Andron. 
Pal.  v.  27)  describes  in  detail  the  taking  of  Kenchreai  by  the  Turks, 


Fig.  15. — Sketch-map  of  the  ancient  Troad. 


soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century  :  he  relates  that, 
after  having  held  out  for  some  time,  it  was  compelled  to  surrender 
from  lack  of  water,  and  was  burned  by  the  enemy.  Nothing  is 
more  certain  than  that  this  citadel  Avas  not  situated  upon  Mount 
Chigri,  where  no  Byzantine  remains  whatever  are  to  be  met  with. 
The  writers  who  have  advocated  the  identity  of  Kenchreai  and 

Compare :  J.  A.  Cramer,  A  geographical  and  historical  description  of  Asia  Minor. 
Oxford,  1832 ;  and  C.  Texier,  Asie  Mineure,  description  geographique,  historique,  et 
archeologique  des  provinces  et  des  villes  de  la  Chersonnese  d'  Asie.  Paris,  1862.  One  of 
the  volumes  of  L'  Univers. 


28 


A  PBOTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


Chigri  must  either  have  been  ignorant  of  the  reference  made  to  that 
ancient  town  by  Pachy meres,  or  not  well  acquainted  with  the  char- 
acter of  the  remains  upon  the  site.  Kenchreai  is  undoubtedly  to  be 
identified  with  Kiz-Kalessi, — a  citadel  upon  the  north  of  Chigri,  and 
one  of  the  few  sites  of  the  Troad  which  were  fortified  in  Byzantine 
times.  Not  having  been  occupied  by  the  Turkish  conquerors,  it 
still  shows  traces  of  the  fire  by  which  it  was  destroyed. 

The  ancient  atlas  of  Smith,  and  that  of  Kiepert,  as  well  as  the 
map  in  Mueller  and  Duebner's  edition  of  Strabo,  place  Kolonai  upon 
the  site  of  Chigri.  In  like  manner  Eduard  Meyer,  one  of  the  best 
informed  of  all  the  travellers  in  the  Troad,  speaks  of  the  remains  as 
those  of  Kolonai.  It  is  not  strange  that  this  commanding  height 
should  have  been  identified  with  the  stronghold  chosen  as  a  retreat 
by  the  Spartan  Pausanias  while  carrying  on  his  treacherous  negotia- 
tions with  the  Persians.^*^  Nevertheless  it  is  certain  that  Kolonai 
was  situated  much  nearer  to  the  sea  than  Mount  Chigri.  Xeno- 
phon  {Hell.  iii.  1,  13  and  16)  twice  mentions  it  as  a  maritime  town, 
and  the  testimony  of  Strabo  is  even  more  explicit,  for  he  describes  it 
as  lying  on  the  sea  (589),  and  on  the  coast  opposite  Tenedos  (604). 
The  latter  assertion  is  made  also  by  Diodoios  (v.  83.  1)  and  by  Pau- 
sanias (x.  14.  2).  As  will  be  explained  below,  the  passage  of  Sky- 
lax  in  which  Kolonai  is  mentioned  must  be  taken  in  the  same  sense. 
Among  those  ancient  writers  whose  mention  conveys  any  indication 
of  the  situation  of  the  town,  there  remains  only  Pliny  (v.  32),  who 
says  distinctly  enough  intus  Colone  intercidit,  but  whose  testimony 
concerning  the  Troad  is  of  but  little  value,  especially  in  the  case  of 
those  cities  which,  like  Kolonai,  were  deserted  more  than  three  centu- 
ries before  his  time.  Even  the  name  KoXcouai  is  characteristic  of 
such  mounds  as  those  of  the  tertiary  formation  found  on  this  coast 
of  the  Troad,  and  would  be  entirely  inexplicable  in  connection  with 
the  granite  mountain  of  Chigri.^^ 

^6Thouk.  I.  131 ;  Diod.  xiv.  383;  Corn.  Nep.,  Pans.  3. 
F.  Calvert, —  On  the  site  and  remains  of  Colonae,  in  the  ArchcBological  Journal, 
vol.  XVII.  London,  1860, — believes  the  narrow  summit  of  Beshik-Tepeh,  three 
miles  north  of  Eski-Stambol  (Alexandreia),  to  be  the  true  site  of  Kolonai.  But  the 
distance  of  this  place  from  Strabo's  Ilion  is  less  than  the  one  hundred  and  forty 
stadia  designated  by  the  geographer.  It  ai)pears,  moreover,  from  another  passage 
(Strabo,  604)  that  Alexandreia  was  founded  between  the  tract  known  as  the  Achaiion 
and  Kolonai,  and  that  we  must  consequently  look  for  the  latter  town  south  of  the 
great  metropolis  of  the  Diadochi. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDREIA. 


29 


All  indications  favor  the  identification  of  Mount  Chigri  with  the 
ancient  Neandreia.  This  view,  first  suggested  by  Calvert,^  is  based 
upon  the  description  given  by  Strabo.  Strabo  states  that  the  Nean- 
dreians  were  situated  above  Hamaxitos, — the  position  of  which  town 
is  determined,  by  the  notices  of  it  in  other  passages,  as  close  to  Lek- 
ton  (604),  near  Larissa  (440)  and  the  Sminthion  (605),— on  this 
side  (i.  e.  to  the  north)  of  Lekton,  but  further  inland  and  nearer 
II ion,  from  which  they  were  distant  one  hundred  and  thirty  stadia.^® 
Strabo  states,  also,  that  the  territory  of  Assos  and  its  colony  Gar- 
gara  was  bounded  by  the  tracts  belonging  to  Antandros,  Kebrene, 
Neandreia  and  Hamaxitos  (606),  towns  which  are  thus  seen  to  lie 
almost  in  a  semi-circle  around  the  region  in  question  ;  and  further, 
that  the  plain  of  Samonion  (now  known  as  that  of  Bairamitch) 
belonged  to  Neandreia  (472), — a  district  that  would  naturally  be  under 
the  domination  of  the  stronghold  of  Mount  Chigri.  Strabo  more- 
over tells  us  that  the  inhabitants  of  Neandreia,  together  with  those 
of  many  other  cities  of  this  region,  were  removed  by  Antigonos  to 
the  newdy  established  town  of  Alexandreia  Troas.  Pliny,  a  little 
later,  speaks  of  the  site  as  deserted  (v.  32). 

A  similar  conclusion  is  to  be  derived  from  a  mention  of  Neandreia 
by  Xenophon  (Hell.  iii.  1,  13-16).  Mania,  the  satrapess  of  the 
province,  whose  chief  seat  was  in  the  interior  of  Kebrene  and  Skep- 
sis,  possessed  Neandreia,  and  extended  her  dominion  by  reducing  the 
maritime  towns  of  the  south-western  Troad,  Larissa,  Hamaxitos  and 
Kolonai,  which  had  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  sea-faring 
Greeks.  On  the  arrival  of  the  Spartan  Derkyllidas,  these  three 
towns  surrendered  at  once,  as  did,  within  one  or  two  days,  Nean- 
dreia, Ilion,  and  Kokylion,  after  the  fall  of  which  places  Kebrene 
was  besieged.  Xeno^ihon's  enumeration  of  the  towns  can  leave  no 
doubt  as  to  the  route  followed  by  Derkyllidas.  The  Spartan  gen- 
eral must  have  landed  at  the  ancient  port  of  Lekton,  and  have 
moved  into  the  valley  of  the  Skamandros  by  the  natural  pass  upon 
the  north  of  Mount  Chigri,  taking  the  town  of  Neandreia  upon 
its  summit,  which,  it  is  to  be  observed,  is  the  first  named  after  leav- 
ing the  sea  at  Kolonai.    At  the  present  day,  the  main  road  of  the 

^^F.  Calvert,  On  the  site  and  remains  of  Cebrene,  in  the  Archceological  Journal,  vol. 
XXII.    London,  1865. 

Strabo,  606.  Korai's  emendation,  fieo  aye  tor  spot  dk  for  /xeaoyeioTepi  re,  is  self-evi- 
dent. 


30 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


country,  by  which  the  wine  of  Tenedos  is  carried  to  Ezine  and  Bai- 
ramitch  on  the  Mender6,  follows  the  same  route. 

Opposed  to  this  weight  of  evidence,  we  have  the  statement  of 
Skylax  (p.  36)  that  Neandreia  was  situated  on  the  sea.  As  at  least 
those  portions  of  Skylax  relating  to  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  are  to 
be  referred  to  a  date  anterior  to  that  of  the  foundation  of  Alexandreia 
Troas  and  the  depopulation  of  Neandreia,  it  would  be  natural  to  give 
entire  credence  to  this  earlier  authority,  and  to  assume  that  Strabo, 
although  evidently  quoting  from  Demetrios  of  Skepsis,  was  mistaken 
in  his  identitication, — were  it  not  that  it  is  plain,  from  internal 
evidence,  that  the  passage  in  question  is,  as  it  stands,  a  misstatement 
throughout.  Skylax,  whose  Periplous  was  characterized  even  by 
Bentley  as  one  of  the  most  corrupt  books  in  the  world,"  gives  in 
his  description  of  the  Troad  two  lists,  the  one  of  inland  towns : 
Sigeion,  Achilleion,  Achaiion,  Kolonai,  Larissa,  Hamaxitos  and 
Chrysa, — the  other  of  towns  on  the  sea :  Kebrene,  Skepsis,  Nean- 
dreia and  Pityeia.  Now  all  those  of  the  first  list  are  well  known  to 
be  situated  upon  the  coast,  while,  of  the  latter  list,  both  Kebrene 
and  Skepsis  were  far  inland.  Pityeia  does  not  belong  to  the  Troad 
at  all.  It  is  thus  plain  that  the  classifications  of  the  towns  have 
been  interchanged  :  that  those  of  the  first  list  were  originally 
described  as  situated  on  the  sea,  those  of  the  latter  as  in  the  interior.^^ 

^^The  words  of  Skylax  are:  'Kal  ev  rfj  rjizeipifi  'Elyr/  Kal  'Axi^?i-eiov  Kal  KpaTfjpe 
'Axfiiojv,  Ko?iO)vai,  Adpiaaa,  'A/m^irbg  Kal  lepov  ' ATcolTiuvoq^  Iva  Xpvo?jg  lepdro.  'Evrevdev 
t)E  Alo?ug  x^P*^  na/ishai.  AioMdeg  de  noXeig  ev  avrrf  elatv  eiri  OaXdrrrj  aide  Kefipi^Vj  XK7)iptg^ 
'Nedvc^psca^  Uirveta. 

The  difficulty  presented  by  this  passage  was  evident  to  Mueller,  and  in  a  note  to 
his  edition  of  Skylax  (Geographi  Graeci  minores,  Parisiis,  1855,  vol.  i.),  he  inserts 
between  aiJe  and  KejSpijv  the  words:  "AnGog,  Vdpyapa^  " AvravSpog'  ev  6e  fitaoyela  aLde. 
This  empiric  change  of  the  sense  is  actually  adoi)ted  in  the  text  of  the  last  critical 
edition  of  Skylax,  Anonymi  viilgo  Scylacis  Cai-yandensis  periplum  maris  inlerni  recensuit 
B.  Fdbricms  (H.  T.  Dietrich)  Lipsiae,  1878.  It  by  no  means  meets  the  difficulties 
of  the  case,  the  maritime  towns  still  being  described  as  inland.  Were  it  desirable 
to  restore  the  text,  it  would  be  more  reasonable  to  simply  interchange  the  lists,  and 
not  attempt  to  bring  in  the  names  of  Assos,  Gargara  and  Antandros.  The  towns  on 
the  Gulf  of  Adramyttion  would  not  have  been  named  before  Kebrene  and  Neandreia. 

It  is  surprising  that  so  manifest  a  corruption  sliould  have  misled  writers  upon 
ancient  geography,  otherwise  most  trustworthy.  Thus,  C.  Mannert  [Geographie  der 
Griechen  und  Boemer  aus  ihren  Schriften  dargestellt.  Leipzig,  Nuernberg,  Landshut, 
1829-31.  Third  edition)  and  A.  Forbiger  {Handbuch  der  alien  Geographie.  Leipzig, 
1842-44)  refuse  all  credence  to  Strabo,  on  the  strength  of  this  passage  of  Skylax. 
The  latter  author,  in  his  second  volume,  describes  Neandreia  as  a  maritime  town, 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDREIA. 


31 


Hence,  the  testimony  of  Skylax  may  even  be  claimed  in  support 
of  that  of  Strabo. 

A  passage  of  the  greatest  importance  in  reference  to  Neandreia, 
and  one  to  which  attention  has  not  been  called  by  any  writer  upon 
the  geography  of  the  Troad,  is  given  in  Dictys  of  Krete.*^^  From 
this  we  learn  that  the  Greeks  before  II ion,  being  harassed  by  attacks 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighboring  country,  moved  their  forces 
against  the  towns  situated  nearest  to  Ilion,  first  invading  the  realm 
of  King  Kyknos,  the  chief  place  of  which  was  Neandreia.  The 
Greeks  took  this  citadel,  and  were  about  to  destroy  it  by  fire,  but 
were  persuaded  to  spare  it  by  the  prayers  and  tears  of  the  inhabitants, 
who  tendered  their  submission  to  the  invaders  and  gave  up  the  two 
sons  and  the  daughter  of  King  Kyknos,  he  himself  having  been  slain, 
some  time  before,  by  Achilleus.  Advancing,  thereafter,  beyond 
Neandreia,  the  Greeks  reduced  Kylla,  but  left  Kolonai  unharmed,  as 
that  town  belonged  to  the  Neandreians  and  was  protected  by  the 
alliance  which  had  been  concluded  with  them. 

The  manuscripts  of  Dictys,  differing  among  themselves,  show  cor- 
ruptions of  the  names :  Neandreia  appearing  as  Meandria,  Mentore 
or  Metore,  Kolonai  as  Corone.    The  first  of  these  errors  (3feandri- 

"east  of  Gargara."  Compare  his  position  in  Pauly  ( Beal-Encyclopcedie  der  clas- 
sischen  Alierthumsivissenschaft,  s.  v.  Neandria  vol.  v.  Stuttgart,  1848),  where  he  under- 
stands Skylax  to  place  the  town  on  the  Hellespont.  Tliis  is  translated,  with- 
out acknowledgment,  in  the  notice  on  Neandreia  which,  signed  by  Leonhard 
Schmitz,  appears  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Greek  and  Roman  Geography,  London, 
1873.  Forbiger's  erroneous  quotation  of  Skylax  in  support  of  the  statement 
that  Neandreia  was  on  the  Hellespont  is  thus  perpetuated.  It  may  be  remarked 
that  Smith  not  infrequently  presents  to  his  readers  stolen  and  garbled  versions  of 
Pauly's  articles. 

®'  Dictys  Cretensis,  it.  12  and  13.  The  author  twice  refers  to  the  realm  of  King 
Kyknos  as  adjoining  Ilion. 

The  interest  of  the  passage  in  question  is  not  restricted  to  the  geographical  indi- 
cations which  it  affords;  it  also  furnishes  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  belief  that,  in 
this  much  discussed  work,  there  have  been  preserved,  together  with  later  and  spuri- 
ous material,  some  traditions  of  great  age  which  are  credible  in  the  same  sense  as 
are  those  collected  in  the  Homeric  poems.  Though  the  events  recorded  should  be 
consi;lered  as  romance  rather  than  as  history,  the  geography  could  not  thus  be 
invented.  The  author  of  the  original  work  must  have  had  an  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  Troad,  or  at  all  events  must  have  derived  his  information  from  sources  of 
this  character  now  lost  to  classical  science.  This  may  be  well  illustrated  by  a  com- 
parison of  the  work  of  Dictys  with  that  of  Dares,  whose  vapid  descriptions  of  the 
Homeric  heroes  contain  no  mention  of  geographical  details,  or  do  not  differ  in 
these  particulars  from  the  earlier  writings  from  which  the  book  was  compiled. 


32 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


orum  for  Neandriorum,  etc.)  was  pointed  out  nearly  two  centuries  ago 
by  the  learned  Perizonius.^^  He  based  his  conviction  solely  upon 
the  accounts  of  Kyknos  given  by  Malala  (p.  124,  Oxford  ed.)  and 
Kedrenos  (p.  221),  who,  evidently  deriving  their  information  from 
Dictys,  assert  that  King  Kyknos  lived  in  Neandreia,  near  llion.  It 
is  well  known  that  these  Byzantine  writers  frequently  quote  the  ipsis- 
sima  verba  of  the  Greek  Dictys.  They  were  in  possession  of  the 
original  work,  which  has  since  disappeared,  and  their  rendering  of 
the  geographical  names  is  hence  far  more  worthy  of  confidence  than 
that  of  the  copies  of  the  Latin  version  of  Dictys,  now  alone  acces- 
sible to  us.  The  conjecture  of  Perizonius  thus  admits  of  no  doubt, 
and  this  correction  is  adopted  in  the  latest  critical  texts. 

The  emendation  Colonen  for  Coronen,  naturally  following  the 
Latin  orthography  of  the  name  as  given  by  Pliny  (v.  32)  was 
suggested  by  Fuchs.''^  The  three  ancient  writers  who  differ  from 
Dictys,  Malala,  and  Kedrenos  in  the  name  of  the  capital  of  Kyknos, 
namely  Diodoros  (v.  83.  1),  Strabo  (589  and  604)  and  Pausanias 
(x.  14.  2),  agree  in  speaking  of  Kolonai  as  his  dwelling-place.  It  is 
surprising  that,  notwithstanding  this  weight  of  argument,  the  emen- 
dation has  been  refused  by  Dederich,^^  and  is  not  even  referred 
to  by  Meister;^  their  editions  of  Dictys,  the  most  recent  published, 
vStill  read  Corone,  while  no  place  of  that  name  exists  in  the  Troad. 

The  testimony  of  the  author  of  the  Greek  original  must  have  been 
founded  upon  traditions,  oral  or  written,  which  show  an  accu- 
rate acquaintance  with  the  country  around  llion.  Whether  these 
legends  do  or  do  not  recount  the  actual  events  of  a  predatory  war- 
fare, carried  on  by  the  Achaians  in  the  Troad,  they  must  at  least 
have  been  so  framed  as  to  appear  credible  to  the  Greeks  inhabiting 
this  remarkable  country  during  the  historic  period.  As  it  is  now 
read,  by  the  aid  of  the  Byzantine  plagiai'ists  and  in  the  light  of  a 
familiarity  with  the  Trojan  landscape,  the  passage  describes  occur- 
rences w^hich  would  naturally  have  taken  place  in  such  a  campaign. 

J.  Perizonius,  Dissertatio  de  historia  belli  Trojani,  etc.  (Leyden  ?),  (1701  ?).  This 
essay  was  incorporated  in  the  edition  of  Dictys  published  by  L.  Smids,  Amsterdam, 
1702,  and  in  others  since  then. 

®^  J.  A.  Fuchs,  Pe  varietate  fabularum  Troiearum  quaestiones.  Coloniae  ad  Rhenum, 
1830.  This  excellent  work  is  but  very  little  known ;  the  copy  which  has  been  on 
the  shelves  of  the  British  Museum  for  half  a  century  was  found  to  be  uncut. 

Dictys  Cretensis,  Belli  Trojani  libri  sex.    Ed.  A.  Dederich,  Bonnae,  1833. 

Dictys  Cretensis,  Ephemeridos  belli  Troiani.    Ed.  F.  Meister,  Lipsiae,  1872. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NE ANDREI  A. 


33 


According  to  the  narrative  of  Dictys,  the  Greeks  disembarked  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Mendere,  near  the  modern  Koum  Kaleh,  and  encamped 
in  tlie  plain.  On  their  expedition  against  the  country  of  King  Kyknos 
they  passed  up  the  valley  of  the  river,  through  the  defile  of  Bali- 
Dagh,  to  the  stronghold  of  Mount  Chigri.  After  having  come  to 
terms  with  the  inhabitants,  the  Greeks  found  but  two  courses  open 
to  them  :  to  advance  inland,  across  the  plain  of  Bairamitch,  or  to 
turn  to  the  south-east,  towards  the  coast.  By  a  further  inroad  they 
would  have  incurred  the  danger  of  being  cut  off  by  the  enemy. 
Undoubtedly  influenced  by  this  consideration,  the  Greeks  chose  the 
latter  alternative,  reaching  the  sea  south  of  Eski  Stambol. 

It  is  thus  plain,  that  the  legends  of  the  Trojan  cycle  relating  to 
King  Kyknos  originally  designated  both  Kolonai  and  Neandreia  as 
towns  of  his  kingdom  ;  the  former  as  a  seaport,  the  latter  as  a 
mountain  fastness.  All  the  episodes  in  the  life  of  the  hero  relate  to 
the  sea,  and  it  is  probable  that  his  residence  was  Kolonai,  as  the 
more  trustworthy  authorities  assure  us.  The  opposite  island  of 
Tenedos  was  colonized  and  named  after  Tennes,  a  son  of  Kyknos,^^ 
and  the  most  prominent  part  taken  by  the  king  in  the  Trojan  war 
was  an  attempt  to  prevent  the  Greeks  from  lauding.^^  The  citadel 
of  Neandreia,  on  the  other  hand,  must  have  been  a  stronghold  and 
retreat ;  this  is  sufficiently  indicated  by  the  tradition  given  by  Dictys 
(ii.  13),  that  it  was  the  abode  {nutrix)  of  the  children  of  the  king. 
The  legend  which  asserts  Kyknos  to  have  been  the  son  of  Poseidon 
and  Skamandrodike^^  must  doubtless  be  taken  as  significant  of  the 
se^  and  the  river  which  formed  the  boundaries  of  his  realm. 

It  is  worthy  of  note,  in  this  connection,  that  both  Xenophon  {Hell. 
III.  1.  16)  and  Strabo  (472  and  606)  speak  of  the  Neandreians  as  a 
people ;  the  latter,  as  has  been  seen,  describing  not  the  position  of 
the  town,  but  that  of  the  tract  which  bore  its  name.  This  is 
explained  by  the  fact  that  Neandreia,  like  Assos,  was,  at  a  very 
early  period,  the  capital  of  a  small  independent  kingdom,  which  con- 
tinued in  the  memories  of  the  inhabitants  long  after  the  entire  Troad 
had  been  included  in  a  much  wider  dominion. 

®^  Steph.  Byzant.  s.  v.  TeveSoc  ;  Suidas,  s.  v.  levkdioQ  avOporrog ;  Cicero,  in  Verrem, 
act.  IT.  1.  19;  Konon,  Narrat.  xxviii ;  Plutarch,  Quaest.  Graec.  297;  Servius,  Com- 
mentary to  Virgil,  Aen.  ii.  21 ;  and  the  other  authors  quoted  in  this  connection. 
Aristotle,  RheL  ii.  22.  12. 

Scholiast  to  Homer,  11.  A.  38;  Scholiast  to  Pindar,  01.  ii.  147;  Tzetzes,  ad 
Licoph.  233 ;  and  Eudocia,  Viol.  p.  264 ;  for  a  different  account,  see  Hyginus,  Fab.  157. 


34 


A  PROTO-IONIC  CAPITAL 


No  further  information  is  to  be  derived  from  the  references  to 
Neandreia  made  by  Theopompos  (Fr.  310)  and  Charax  (Fr.  4), 
preserved  in  Stephanos  of  Byzantion.^^  The  town  was  naturally 
inckided  in  the  province  of  the  Hellespont,  and  was  so  described. 
These  writers  are,  however,  to  be  quoted  as  completing  the  list  of 
ancient  authors  who  make  any  mention  of  this  place. 

The  indications  obtainable  from  the  coins  of  Neandreia  lend 
further  weight  to  the  conclusions  derived  from  classic  literature. 
The  head  of  Apollon,  who  was  evidently  the  chief  deity  of  the 
town/*^  generally  appears  upon  the  obverse,  Avhile  the  symbols  of  the 
reverse  suggest  the  advantages  derived  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
V  citadel  from  the  pastures  and  cultivated  fields  of  the  great  Samonian 
Plain.  A  grazing  horse  and  an  ear  of  wheat  formed  the  most  com- 
mon types/^  and  a  ram  occurs  upon  a  fine  coin  of  the  fifth  century, 
now  in  the  British  Museum .^^  It  is  a  point  particularly  wortliy  of 
remark,  that  a  coin  published  by  Sestini^^  was  re-struck  with  an  incuse 
stamp  AAEEAN,  without  doubt  to  facilitate  the  circulation  of  the  old 
mintage  in  the  city  to  which  the  inhabitants  had  removed.  It  is 
evident,  that  the  Neandrians  formed  an  influential  part  of  the  popula- 
tion of  Alexandreia  Troas,  from  the  fact  that  the  coins  of  the  latter 
town,  during  the  first  three  centuries  of  its  existence,  display  the 
two  types  characteristic  of  the  Neandreian  mintage :  the  head  of 
Apollon^*  and  the  grazing  horse. 

''^Steph.  Byzant.  s.  v.  '^edvdpeLa.  Compare  also  the  mention  s.  v.  *avna. 
It  must  have  been  with  reference  to  this  cult,  and  to  that  of  the  neighboring 
Chrysa,  that  Strabo  (p.  618)  declared  ApoUon  to  be  the  chief  deity  of  the  south- 
western Troad.  Tenedos  also  worshipped  ApoUon,  following  in  this  respect  its 
parent  city,  even  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  Homeric  poems  [Iliad,  i.  38,  451,  etc.), 
in  the  same  manner  as  did  Alexandreia  Troas  in  the  age  of  the  Diadochi.  The 
especial  protection  granted  by  Apollon  to  the  Trojans  and  their  allies,  and  the  preva- 
lence of  his  worship  among  them,  are  striking  features  of  the  Iliad. 

Coins  of  Neandreia  were  found  at  Assos.  The  writer  can  quote,  in  reference  to 
this  subject,  no  publication  more  recent  than  that  of  Borrell,  entitled  Unedited  Greek 
Coins,  in  The  Numismatic  Chronicle,  vol.  v.  1.  London,  1843.  Compare  also  T.  E. 
Mionnet,  Description  des  Medailles  Antiques,  vol.  v.    Paris,  1830. 

'■■^  A  coin  of  this  kind  is  engraved  in  the  work  of  Sestini  which  is  quoted  in  the 
following  note,  pi.  add.  iii.  The  head  on  the  obverse,  horned  and  bearded,  is 
erroneously  held  by  the  author  to  be  that  of  Pan. 

D.  Sestini,  Descrizione  delle  medaglie  Greche.    Parte  seconda.    Firenze,  1829. 
On  the  worship  of  Apollon  in  Alexandreia  Troas  see,  also,  the  inscription  from 
that  place,  published  as  No.  3577  of  the  Corpus  Inscr.  Grace;  together  with  Boeckh's 
remarks  thereon. 


FROM  THE  SITE  OF  NEANDREIA. 


35 


Concerning  the  political  history  of  the  place,  it  is  not  here  neces- 
sary to  enter  into  detail.  Its  chief  interest attaches  to  the  appearance 
of  Neandreia  among  the  towns  tributary  to  Athens,  in  the  well- 
known  inscription,  dating  to  the  third  quarter  of  the  fifth  century, 
which  has  been  published  by  Rhangabe/'^  The  amount  of  the  contri- 
bution, mentioned  with  each  occurrence  of  the  name,  permits  an  inter- 
esting comparison  with  that  paid  by  the  neighboring  towns  of  Assos, 
Sigeion,  Kebrene,  Gargara  and  I.amponeia.  The  efforts  of  this  con- 
federation were  not  successful,  but  the  second  subjugation  of  the 
Troad  by  the  Persians  was  soon  followed  by  the  Asiatic  conquests  of 
the  Greeks,  and  by  the  consequent  removal  of  the  population  of 
Neandreia  to  increase  that  of  the  thriving  port  of  Alexandreia  Troas. 

Thus  this  remote  fortress,  deserted  by  the  generation  succeeding 
Alexander  the  Great,  has  remained  an  undisturbed  ruin  for  twenty- 
two  centuries.  Romans,  Goths,  Armenians  and  Franks  claimed  the 
site  as  their  own,  the  Byzantine  Greeks  were  finally  driven  altogether 
from  the  land  by  the  Seljukian  and  Ottoman  Turks,  and  the  first 
heed  paid  to  the  overthrown  monuments  of  the  ancient  town  should 
be  credited  to  the  Archaeological  Institute  of  a  continent  not  dreamed 
of  by  Kalchas  or  Kassandra. 

Joseph  Thacher  Clarke. 


Brugsch,  in  his  Troy  and  Egypt  (appendix  ix  to  Schliemann's  i/tos,  quoted  above) 
suggests  that  the  Trojan  Kolonai  is  to  be  identified  with  the  Kerena  or  Kelena 
mentioned  in  an  inscription  engraved  upon  the  walls  of  a  pylon  of  the  temple  of 
Medinet  Abou,  which  gives  a  list  of  thirty-nine  towns  of  the  Asiatic  coast  and  the 
neighboring  islands  whose  contingents  were  defeated  by  Rameses  III  in  the  13th  cen- 
tury B.  c.  This  theory  is  rendered  particularly  attractive  by  the  fact,  now  placed  almost 
beyond  question,  that  both  the  Dardanians  and  the  Assians  fought  against  Rameses  II 
only  a  century  before,  and  are  named  in  the  famous  poem  of  Pentaur.  Nevertheless, 
a  careful  consideration  of  the  context, — especially  of  the  names  of  those  places  which 
are  recognizable  with  some  degree  of  probability, — leads  the  writer  to  believe  that 
the  town  in  question  must  have  been  situated  at  least  as  far  south  as  Kypros.  The 
statement  made  by  Brugsch  in  his  Geschichte  Aegyptens  unter  den  Pharaonen  (vol.  ii. 
Leipzig,  1878),  that  the  Kerena  of  the  Egyptians  was  Kerynia,  appears  much  more 
reasonable. 

'^A.  Rhizos  Rhankabes,  Antiquites  Hellenigues.  Athenes,  1842-55.  Vol.  i.  No. 
236,  etc.;  most  recently  in  the  Corpus  Inscr.  Attic.    Vol.  i.  No.  226. 


